By Muhammad Jamil
The writer is a freelance columnist
There is no denying that Balochistan was neglected during British Raj, and after independence successive Pakistani governments either failed to develop Balochistan or dissident sardars did not allow the development effort to succeed. The people of Balochistan had genuine grievances during One Unit era and under unitary form of government, but Baloch sardars are responsible for the woes of the people of Balochistan in equal measure. If one dispassionately examines the situation one would reach the conclusion that strong centre syndrome on the one hand and centrifugal tendencies on the other are responsible for the continuous crisis in Balochistan. But it has to be said that liberal democrats, leftists or religious right, would not allow anybody to destroy national assets or challenge the writ of the government, or keep the poverty-stricken people in servility. It goes without saying that the people of Balochistan have the first right over minerals and other natural resources of Balochistan, and major part of the income from these assets should be spent on their welfare.
The province was originally formed over the period 1876-1891 by three treaties between Sir Robert Sandeman and the Khan of Kalat. He was a ‘political agent’ for the British-administered areas which were strategically located between British India and Afghanistan. The province was abolished in 1955 and was merged into One Unit. In 1970, One Unit was done away with by the Yahya government and the provincial status of Balochistan was also restored. Before Sir Robert Sandeman was appointed as ‘political agent’ in Balochistan, British Raj used to give a part of ‘dole’ to big sardars;
however a major part went to chieftains of the tribes, who used to spend on or share with tribal people. This two-tier system was abandoned after Pakistan came into being and the people of Balochistan were left at the mercy of the sardars. Historical evidence suggests that before the British Raj, tribal people used to choose their sardar on the basis of his valour, his wisdom and his commitment to the welfare of the tribe. The British, however, gave sardars unprecedented powers and sardari was made hereditary.

One can disagree with late ZA Bhutto on other counts but he did try to develop Balochistan by launching his rural integrated development scheme in all the provinces including Balochistan. Though it worked in other provinces, yet in Balochistan it proved a complete failure due to stiff resistance of the sardars. Anyhow, the long dormant crisis had erupted into a brutal confrontation with the Centre in 1973 when Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had tried to establish educational institutions and started construction of roads in Balochistan. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto then dissolved Balochistan coalition government under Ataullah Mengal and put all the leaders in jail who were tried under Hyderabad conspiracy case. Some educated young men from Punjab and Sindh driven by the passion for revolution went to Balochistan because they were under the impression that some of the sardars wished to bring about a basic change in the system. But that was not appreciated by the sardars.

Ziaul Haq, however, adopted the old policy of reconciliation with the local Baloch sardars and a semblance of peace was restored in the province. In 1988, the Balochistan Assembly was dissolved, when Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti was chief minister of the province, but later was restored under the orders of the High Court. It has to be borne in mind that tribalism is firmly rooted in Balochistan, as ethnic and tribal identity is a potent force for both individuals and groups in Balochistan with the result that there exists deep polarisation among different groups. Each of these groups is based on different rules of social organisation, which has left the province inexorably fragmented. Tribal group-ism has failed to integrate the state and enforce a national identity. But those who have not weaned away from the poison of sham nationalism should take a look at the history of the Balkans, and the fate they met. We want that leaders of Balochistan should be given respect but at the same time they have to forget their bitterness and make a fresh start.

We also strongly urge the government to take measures with a view to addressing the grievances of the smaller provinces, and in this regard Punjab and Sindh should sacrifice a part of their share in the National Finance Commission Award for Balochistan and NWFP that were neglected in the past.

Marri, Mengal and Bugti are major tribes of Balochistan and their sardars consider entire Balochistan as their fiefdom. They want to pocket the entire income from gas and other minerals; they want more privileges and powers, and instead of negotiating with the provincial and federal government they arrogate to themselves the right to secede. The insurgency had lasted for four years from 1973 to 1977, and it was after the promulgation of martial law by General Ziaul Haq that sedition cases were withdrawn against Baloch sardars. It has to be mentioned that the sardars and feudal chiefs thrive even amid the centre’s injustices and the clashes between them and the security forces.

In other words, the poor people of Balochistan stand to suffer in general by the sardars during peace times and also become fodder for the sardars when they challenge the writ of the state. It is unfortunate that the civil society does not consider it worthwhile to comment on what sardars have been doing to their people. No human right activist cries over the atrocities inflicted on them by their feudal lords and sardars in their private jails.
The people of Balochistan have been waging struggle for their rights ever since the British left. There could have been some justification for resistance when they were under strong centre and unitary form of government in 1950s and 1960s. But once the One-Unit was done away with and complete provincial status was given to Balochistan, the struggle should have ended. Since the time, former President General (retd) Pervez Musharraf had focused on the development of Balochistan and mega projects were started, the Baloch sardars launched a campaign against the federal government.
They did not understand that all the mega projects including Gwadar deep sea port will remain in Balochistan, despite the fact that Gwadar – earlier part of Oman – was purchased by the federation. After February 18, 2008 elections the elected governments in the centre and the provinces are in place, Baloch nationalists should coordinate with the provincial government to secure their rights. http://www.nation.com.pk/pakistan-news-newspaper-daily-english-online/Opinions/Columns/19-Sep-2009/The-other-side-of-Balochistan