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Category — Phaktunkawa

Terror alert issued for Parachinar: report in Dawn, Nov 15th, 2017

PARACHINAR: Authorities have issued a terror alert for headquarters of the Kurram Agency, warning tribesmen to be extra vigilant to prevent a possible attack in the area.

“There is a great need for vigilance to keep all sensitive places, including important buildings, hospitals and schools, under strict check,” said the alert notice issued here on Tuesday.

Uncertainty looms large in Kurram Agency following a series of terrorist attacks in the area. Only recently, 74 people were killed and 300 others injured in twin blasts here on June 23.

Officials said that political administration and security agencies issued a ‘red alert’ after receiving reports about a suicide bomber identified as Talha, who walked with a limp as he had lost a leg in an improvised explosive device blast.

They said that the suspected bomber was a member of a banned terrorist group, Jamaatul Ahrar, which had previously claimed responsibility for several terrorist attacks in Kurram valley.

Officials said that the bomber had sneaked into Kurram Agency from Khost province of Afghanistan.

The authorities suggested “extreme vigilance” and said tough security measures should be taken in the region. They also released a photo of the suspected bomber.

Officials of the political administration said that soon after receiving the reports they asked the locals — particularly those residing near the border — to enhance security near their areas, adding that law-enforcement agencies have tightened security in the town. https://www.dawn.com/news/1370591/terror-alert-issued-for-parachinar

November 15, 2017   No Comments

Extension of FIA Act to Torkham gives more powers to political agent

by Waseem Ahmad Shah in Dawn, September 25th, 2017
As debate on mainstreaming of the Federally Administered Tribal Areas was going on, the Ministry of States and Frontier Regions (Safron) silently notified in Feb 2017 the extension of the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) Act of 1974 to certain areas on Pak-Afghan border at Torkham.

Interesting situation emerged as mainstream media had presumed as if regular courts and Police Act had been extended to Fata. Even on social media experts have been making comments about the outcome of this notification.

The law was extended with certain amendments and the government has now empowered the federal Levies force to exercise the powers of FIA in the said areas in relation to eight laws mentioned in the schedule of

the FIA Act. These laws include The Foreigners Act 1946, Passport Act 1974, Emigration Ordinance 1979, Exit from Pakistan (Control) Ordinance 1981, Prevention and Control of Human Trafficking Ordinance 2002, Nadra Ordinance 2002, Electricity Act 1910 and Anti-Money Laundering Act 2010.

This notification has further enhanced the powers of the officials of tribal administration of Khyber Agency, including the political agent, and the concerned assistant political agent, who have already been serving as administrative and judicial officers in the agency.

According to the notification, an SRO (Statutory Regulatory Order) was issued which states that under Article 247 (3) of the Constitution of Pakistan the President of Pakistan has directed that the FIA Act 1974 (VIII of 1975) as amended from time to time and in force in Pakistan, shall apply to the area of Torkham Khyber Agency bounded by village Bacha Mena, Torkham Gate, Shamshad Hill top watershed and Ayub FC Picket Kablo Mena in the Fata, subject to the modification.

Through the SRO certain changes have also been made in the said eight laws. Those amendments mostly relate to exercising judicial powers by the courts set up under the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR), which are presided over by the political agent and assistant political agent, while dealing with offences under these laws.

While the schedule of the FIA Act is having 28 offences regarding which the Agency was having jurisdiction, in the present SRO the government has omitted 20 of the laws in the said schedule and left the eight laws, wherein now the federal Levies force will be having jurisdiction to deal within the specified area.

Under Section 5 (2) of the FIA Act, a member of the FIA not below the rank of a sub-inspect may exercise any of the powers of an officer-in-charge of a police station in any area in which he is for the time being and he shall be deemed as officer-in-charge of a police station discharging his functions. However, in the present SRO the government has amended that section and instead of a sub-inspector of FIA a naib tehsildar (Passport) at Torkham is empowered to exercise those powers of officer-in-charge of a police station.

Moreover, while the director general of FIA was empowered to exercise powers in relation to the agency such of the powers of an inspector general of police under the Police Act, 1861, as prescribed by rules, now amendment has been made in Section 4 (2) under which the director general of the agency in relation to Torkham would exercise powers that of the commandant of the federal Levies force under the Federal Levies Force Regulation, 2012.

Under the said regulation the political agent of the agency is the commandant of the Levies force.

Another important amendment made in the FIA Act, in relation to Torkham border, and the eight other laws, is that instead of the Peshawar High Court, the Fata Tribunal, constituted under Section 55A of FCR will act as appellate court against the decisions of the trial court.

The powers of a sessions judge have now been assigned to the political agent, Khyber Agency, under the Anti- Money Laundering Act, 2010 and the Emigration Ordinance 1979. Though the FIA Act was not applicable to Fata in past, it has been having a symbolic presence near Torkham since 2004.

In 2015, the Supreme Court had also taken notice of the issue of non-extension of these laws to Khyber Agency in a Criminal Review titled Azhar Iqbal versus Abid Hussain and had discussed the matters related to smuggling and human trafficking between Pakistan and Afghanistan through Torkham and Chaman borders.

The then Chief Justice Jawwad S. Khwaja was heading a three-member bench and had passed several directives.

In a report submitted to the court by a commission in this regard, it was mentioned that Torkham border was a lucrative spot for different officials as daily around 15,000 to 30,000 had been crossing it.

An additional advocate general, Umer Farooq Adam, who was also member of the commission, had stated that the FIA staff was having only symbolic presence with 26 personnel.

He had stated that undocumented economy generated through Torkham border, which also included money laundering, was reported to be between Rs5 and Rs6 billion a month.

During those hearings the court had expressed astonishment over the non- extension of important laws to the Torkham border, including the FIA Act, Foreigners Act, Passport Act, Emigration Ordinance, etc.

“Instead of tinkering with the system the federal government should implement the proposed reforms and merge Fata with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa,” said Noor Alam Khan, an advocate of the Supreme Court. He said that from time to time issues relating to non-extension of different laws to tribal areas had been surfacing in the superior courts as under the Constitution the laws enacted by the parliament were not applicable there unless the President of Pakistan so directed.

He questioned that while the FIA functioned under the ministry of interior and the tribal administration under the Safron ministry, how the matter would be reconciled in relation to extension of FIA Act to Torkham.https://www.dawn.com/news/1359891/view-from-the-courtroom-extension-of-fia-act-to-torkham-gives-more-powers-to-political-agent

September 25, 2017   No Comments

PTI Fata rejects census results: Report in Dawn, August 31st, 2017

PESHAWAR: Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf, Fata chapter, has rejected the results of population census in the tribal regions and described them as incorrect and non-transparent.

Speaking at a press conference at Peshawar Press Club on Wednesday, PTI Fata chief Haji Mohammad Iqbal Afridi alleged that the census figures regarding the Federally Administered Tribal Areas were incorrect.

He said that ‘wrong calculations’ were meant to keep the tribal people deprived of their due share in the National Finance Commission Award and other funds for mega development schemes.

He said that despite repeated demands the government did not accept the request to allocate separate column in the census form for the internally displaced persons residing in different parts of the country. He said that because of this a large number of displaced Fata population was missed out during the current census process.

Flanked by PTI general secretary from Bajaur Agency, Saeed Ahmad Jan, and others, Mr Afridi said that population of Fata was shown at around 10 million in the national census which was unbelievable.

He claimed that if the census process was conducted in a transparent manner the actual number of Fata could be at around 40million. He said that the displaced people had not been included in the lists in their original localities. He said that a large number of displaced people were still residing in settled parts of KP and other provinces.

He demanded of the government and Pakistan Bureau of Statistics to re-conduct the census process in the tribal regions, especially for inclusion of IDPs in the lists.

Similarly, Saeed Jan claimed that the actual population of Bajaur tribal agency was around 1.2 million in the national census of 1998, but the figure had been brought down to 0.8 million in the sixth population census, showing a decrease of 0.4 million population in the agency.

He said that the population would touch 1.6 million if the displaced people of Bajaur residing in different parts of the country were included in the census process. He demanded of the relevant authorities to re-conduct the census process to include all the IDPs.

Mr Jan urged the Fata parliamentarians to raise the issue on the floor of the house.

He warned that they would hold a sit-in outside the Governor House in Peshawar and parliament after Eidul Azha if the demand was not accepted.

August 31, 2017   No Comments

Closure of women crisis centres in KP worst example of governance: SC

Report in The News, Aug 29, 2017
ISLAMABAD: Closure of women crisis centres in KP is the worst example of governance, remarked the Supreme Court on Monday. The apex court ordered the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) government to reopen four women crisis centres in the province that were previously closed.

A three-member bench of the apex court, headed by Justice Dost Muhammad Khan, upheld the Peshawar High Court’s (PHC) verdict and discarded the KP government’s appeal against it.The KP government had appealed to the apex court against the PHC order.The PHC had given the order after women working in the centres had petitioned for the centres’ reopening.

Justice Dost Muhammad remarked that the centres needed to be reopened, as Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf had taken votes in the name of empowering women in the province but it was now extending them such treatment.

“They boast of being the party with the largest female presence but depriving women of their rights. It is time they did something for women in the province,” he added.Justice Dost Muhammad Khan remarked that reopening of the centres should not be a problem since the government had procured foreign funding for them.It may be mentioned that the KP government had shut the four crisis centres in the year 2010, citing lack of funds.https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/226750-Closure-of-women-crisis-centres-in-KP-worst-example-of-governance-SC

August 29, 2017   No Comments

Naming of new Bannu tehsil triggers protests

Report in Dawn, August 22nd, 2017
BANNU: A protester was injured when stones were thrown during a demonstration by the dwellers of PK-72 constituency here on Monday to protest a provincial government’s notification naming the headquarters of the newly-established tehsil as Bakkakhel.

According to reports, hundreds of protesters from different areas of newly-established tehsil reached Lwara Pul early on Monday after marching on various roads and blocked the Bannu-Mayran artery for over six hours. The protesters also included district naib nazim Pir Muneer Shah, tehsil and district councillors and former MPA Syed Hamid Shah.

Addressing the protesters, the elders accused special coordinator to chief minister on transport MPA Malak Shad Mohammad of making the new tehsil as controversial. They alleged the newly-notified tehsil was named after the native town of the MPA in violation of people’s mandate. They alleged the lawmaker had also declared Bakkakhel as headquarters of the new tehsil.

They demanded that the government withdrew the notification and name the new tehsil after Bannu-II and Bannu city should be declared as its headquarters.

Government officials tried to hold talks with the protesters but they refused.

Later, the enraged protesters removed the gate built with the name of MPA inscribed on it. Gunshots were fired and stones were thrown during the protest, resulting in injuries to a youth.https://www.dawn.com/news/1353127/naming-of-new-bannu-tehsil-triggers-protests


August 22, 2017   No Comments

Missing in Sindh: edit in Dawn, August 8th, 2017

Missing in Sindh: edit in Dawn, August 8th, 2017
AN all-too-familiar and sinister pattern is beginning to repeat itself in Sindh. The past few weeks have seen increasing agitation against enforced disappearances of political activists in the province. On Thursday, Punhal Sario, the leader of the recently formed Voice for Missing Persons of Sindh, was also picked up from Hyderabad by — according to an eyewitness — around a dozen men in police commando uniforms. Then on Saturday, some family members of the self-exiled separatist leader of the banned Jeay Sindh Muttahida Mahaz, Shafi Burfat, were whisked away from their residence. A number of demonstrations by civil society groups were taken out on Sunday from various cities in the province, such as Sukkur, Jacobabad, Mirpurkhas, Badin, Umerkot and Mithi to protest the rising incidence of forced disappearances, among them those of rights activists, journalists, writers etc, allegedly at the hands of intelligence personnel.

Even a single case of enforced disappearance is one too many, but when those protesting the abductions, and the family members of the missing, are themselves disappeared, it is an even more ominous development. It speaks of an increasingly authoritarian state accountable to no one but itself and willing to go to any lengths to crush all dissent. Balochistan has long been a theatre for abductions by state-affiliated elements. While the security situation in the province makes verification of such cases extremely difficult, it can be said with some certainty that enforced disappearance has been used as a tool of state repression to counter nationalist sentiment in the area. More recently, the war against terrorism has provided a pretext for carrying out enforced disappearances in the rest of the country as well, with the highest incidence in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. It is a measure of the impunity with which the state operates that it continues on this course despite a Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances having been set up by the government on the orders of the Supreme Court. The result, far from containing unrest, has only created bitterness among those who have been affected and is a boon to separatist propaganda. Inexplicably enough, there exists legislation — some recently enacted — that enables law enforcement to arrest, investigate and prosecute those suspected of being engaged in seditious acts. Why then do such self-destructive tactics remain in practice? Is the state blinded by its own power? https://www.dawn.com/news/1350207/missing-in-sindh


August 8, 2017   No Comments

The mullah in Pakhtun society: by Sartaj Khan in The News, July 11, 2017

The writer is an independent researcher.
In his series, ‘The mullah and the Pakhtun’ published in the News pages on June 29, June 30 and July 2, Zalan Khan has contributed to a very important debate. Unfortunately, his analysis of the mullah and his position in Pakhtun society received less attention than it deserves.

It is a great misconception that the mullah was considered inferior in social organisation, especially in the era of Pakhto, governed by the unwritten code of Pakhtunwal (the way of the Pakhtun). This was a notion put forward by the propertied classes. In reality, the perception of the mullah in the eyes of the public is very different from that of the elite classes and their court historians.

Elites are hated for their tyranny and appropriation of the resources of livelihood. The mullah, in most cases, does not work the land or toil away as labour. At the same time, the mullah shares some ‘features’ with the common man too. It seems that in the earlier stage of the Pakhto era – the pre-state era – the Khan or Malik was not the only primus inter pares. The mullah too had a dominant position in jirgas.

Apart from lashkars and public congregations, in the fields anyone could lead the prayer. The division of labour and establishment of larger villages though make it imperative that someone with greater knowledge in religion must perform the duty of leading prayers and teaching children, and providing guidance in religious matters. This most likely leads to building mosques where all these activities are to be performed.

Traditionally, even in the 1960s, the mullahs performed as clerks for the villagers and in most cases practised hikmat and had some knowledge of Arabic, Persian, Urdu, Pashto and literature as well. The mosque was also a place where travellers, guests and petty traders were given food and shelter.

In general, the mullah’s role is considered neither exploitative nor productive. The perception that the mullah was included in the category of kasabgar – manual labour/skilled people – was established after the end of the Pakhto period. Available evidence seems to suggest that, like the Maliks and the Khans, at this stage the mullahs were also from leading tribes. During this period, land used to be set aside for special purposes like running ‘hujras’ and setting up mosques.

According to historians, hujras and mosques were maintained through endowments or ‘waqf’ lands commonly referred to as ‘Serai’. Like the Maliks and the Khans, religious and spiritual leaders including the mullahs were endowed lands from these ‘Serai’. In most cases, the Serai land was excluded from the periodic change of lands (called garzinda wesh or moveable sharing) with a sub-tribe or within a sub-tribe.

In most cases, Pakhtun tribes displaced previous occupants of land, and distributed the occupied land amongst tribes and sub-tribes with additional share in common land for all. This was not an ‘egalitarian system’ as is commonly believed. A Pakhtun, as member of the occupier group, usurped land at the expense of indigenous people and reduced them to the status of pariahs.

However, we can assume that ‘all Pakhtuns were equal’. According to historian Sultan-e-Rome, in Swat the title of Malik or Khan was not hereditary. They were elected by jirgas. Therefore, it can be inferred that in this period, the mullah also had an equal footing in matters of the ‘Khels.’ Religious leaders acquired focus for arbitrations with the secular leadership and centre of gravity shifted once landlords were established. Consequently, those who acquired an extra share of land by hook or by crook became landlords.

In Pashto, the term mullah is used for ‘prayer leader’ or priest. According to Dr Sultan-e-Rome, the mullah ‘usually performs imamat (leading the prayers) in the mosques and teaches the Holy Quran and Islamic injunctions to the people.’ Therefore, a mullah must be distinguished from pirs, and religious and spiritual leaders like Syeds, Miangan, Akunds, Sahibzadas, and Shaikhs etc. At the same time, many pirs and Syeds may prefer to lead prayers as they dislike to be led by someone inferior to them. But this superiority is purely based on spirituality and lineage. Yet, prayer leaders of grand Jamia mosques have a higher status even those of landlords. The picture of the mullah painted by most writers is closely associated with feudal era.

Though Pir Roshan and Syed Ahmed Shaheed might have led thousands in prayers, neither Pir Roshan nor Sartor Faqir nor Syed Ahmed Shaheed was a prayer leader. Most obviously, a number of Taliban commanders cannot be included in the category of ‘Talib’ (madresssah student) or mullah. What is truly striking is the fact that Dir and Swat were ruled by the descendants of spiritual personalities instead of by Khans or Maliks.

Despite this, like most elites of the region, the rulers of Dir and Swat had supported the British in one way or the other in 1897, while ‘the Malakand uprising’ was led by Saad Ullah Khan who was known as Mullah Mastan for his bravery against the imperialist power; Winston Churchill translated that as ‘Mad Mullah’ in his reports on the Malakand campaigns. Like Zalan Khan, Churchill too referred to him as a mullah.

According to many accounts, Mullah Pawinda, who resisted the British in Waziristan around the same period, despite his closeness to the clergy and mullahs, was also not a mullah. It seems those who resisted the British in the name of jihad or religion were labelled mullahs and non-conformists as Wahhabis. https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/215720-The-mullah-in-Pakhtun-society

July 11, 2017   No Comments

The invisible scourge of violence against women in FATA

By Iftikhar Firdous in The Express Tribune, July 9, 2017
PESHAWAR: Each year thousands of women die in the country at the hands of their own kin. Their stories, if they ever make it to the media, a horrid tale of husbands, fathers, brothers, uncles and sometimes even mothers trying to save some so-called family honour.

Accurate reporting of violence against women and stats are hard to come by. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan keeps a watch on these incidents.

According to HRCP’s website, more than 16,498 cases of honour killings of men and women have been reported since 2004. Of these, 561 cases were reported last year.
However, HRCP tabulates the numbers based on media reports and given that many honour killings go unreported, its figures are just a tip of the iceberg.

Violence against women is prevalent across the country, and in the absence of any record-keeping, it may not be wrong to assume that it thrives in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata) where women are virtually non-existent in the public sphere.

How many women have been killed in the name of honour, domestic violence and even terrorism in Fata? No one knows. Even the FATA Secretariat has no statistics. What do exist are the stories of violence and cold-blooded murder.

Naheed*, only 25, a resident of Central Kurram Agency, lies helpless in her hospital bed. The damage to her face is such that one cannot bear to look at her for too long. The burnt skin had created something akin to a mask of black grit.

Doctors had managed to salvage some of her once-beautiful face, but what emerged after the skin healed over was just taut, nearly unnatural white skin, like that of silent mannequin’s blank gaze.

“They spilt boiling oil on me and my children,” she says in a barely audible voice.

The doctors treating her in Peshawar say she is lucky to have survived.

The details of what happened to Naheed remain murky because the village she belongs to has vowed to keep the matter suppressed. What’s only known is that her in-laws did this to her because of a domestic dispute.

In another case, a 12-year-old was shot dead by her uncle in Khyber Agency. She had been found on the road by local authorities and they handed her back to her family after the family paid Rs1 million in guarantee that they won’t kill her.

Her uncle did that on July 4, taking a gun to her despite the ‘guarantee’ to local authorities because the family thought she was out on the road because she had eloped with someone.

“We had to hand her over to the family because there is no place for women to be in protective custody in our lock-ups,” a senior government official from Fata told The Express Tribune.

Local media has remained mum on what happened to her even though four men have been taken into custody. The local rewaj (custom) allows space for such violent acts against women and for such deafening silence on the issue.

“We have to keep silent and look for a solution through arbitration,” said the official, requesting that he not be name for fear of retribution from local tribes. “You do not want to add to an already volatile situation,” he said, with an unhelpful smirk.

The Express Tribune asked almost six senior officials responsible for the administration and security in Fata one single question. “Did you ever hear about violence against women in Fata and an effort to resolve the issues?”

Their response: a categorical and instant, “No.”

Writing about violence against women in the tribal belt is dangerous, at times even more dangerous than reporting on terrorism. So the local media is reluctant and stays away from reporting such news.

In terms of figures, Fata is a void, but taking Khyber-Pakhtunhwa police’s data as a baseline since the socio-cultural dynamics between both regions are arguably the same, there were 583 cases of violence against women in K-P in the last 10 months of 2016. A majority of these were rape and murder cases. Even in the settled districts, investigating officials believe that a majority of the cases go unreported because families prefer ‘local’ solutions.

In contrast, there is hardly any rape case reported in Fata. Most of the cases only make their way to the Fata Tribunal only when highlighted in the national media.

“This is the Rewaj Act they are trying to legitimise,” says Saba Gul Khattak, a member of the K-P Commission on the Status of Women, referring to the recommendations of the FATA Reforms Committee sought from the Parliament.

“The patriarchy is evident,” she says, “They did not even involve a single woman while deciding all the laws as though they (women) did not exist.”

The Frontier Crimes Regulation, in place in Fata since 1901, mostly leaves the fate of cases related to women in the hands of the local tribes.

“They could not even pass the law for domestic violence, [having women-protection laws] in Fata is a distant dream,” she says about the K-P legislators.

As she speaks, news breaks that another victim from K-P Almas Bibi, who was tortured, doused in petrol and set on fire by her in-laws in Nowshera late June, has succumbed to her injuries.

The HRCP had written a letter to the K-P government to take notice of the case on July 4. It’s too late for Almas now but the question remains: will her perpetrators ever be punished?https://tribune.com.pk/story/1453421/invisible-scourge-violence-women-fata/

July 9, 2017   No Comments

On Eid, protesters continue rallying in Islamabad against Parachinar bombings

Report on Express Tribune online, June 27, 2017
News Desk: Members of the Shia community have been rallying in Islamabad against the twin bombings in Parachinar last week that killed 72 people, even continuing their protest on the first and second days of Eidul Fitr on Monday and Tuesday.

The first blast took place on June 23 around 5 in the evening in Turi Market as people were busy shopping for Eid, while the second explosion went off as rescuers and bystanders rushed to help the survivors of the first blast. As of Monday, the death toll had reached 72.

However, neither senior government officials nor leaders of major political parties have visited Parachinar yet. Residents of the town in Kurram Agency and other members of the community have been holding a sit-in in Islamabad since the attacks to protest against government apathy and lack of coverage by media.

A sit-in was staged in Islamabad by the Majlis Wahdat-e-Muslimeen (MWM) outside the National Press Club and a protest rally was also organised from NPC to China Chowk.

Prominent leaders including Syed Munir Hussain of the Pakistan People’s Party, Allama Amin Shaheedi, the head of the Islamic Research Institute and former Capital Development Authority director Mustafa Kazmi participated in the protest.

Over 200 members of the Shia community including MWM activists took to the streets carrying banners decrying the government’s neglect and demanding justice.

Parachinar, a Shia-majority town in Kurram Agency, has been at the target of terrorists for years. Friday’s bombings were the third such attack in the city this year. A bombing in February and then again in March claimed more than 60 lives and left more than 250 people injured. https://tribune.com.pk/story/1445230/eid-protesters-continue-rallying-islamabad-parachinar-bombings/

June 27, 2017   No Comments

Anger grows in Parachinar after three attacks in six months

AFP report in Dawn, June 26, 2017
Members of the Shia community in Parachinar protested Monday as the death toll from twin blasts three days earlier rose to 72, marking a grisly Eid for the town worst hit by militancy so far in 2017.

Officials confirmed that five more injured of Friday’s blasts died in hospital, which pushed the death toll to 72. At least 10 others are said to be in precarious condition.

Dozens of protesters offered their Eid prayers wearing black armbands in the market in Parachinar, where the bombs tore through crowds of shoppers on Friday, local officials said.

“The death toll from Friday’s blasts has reached 69,” local administration official Basir Khan Wazir told AFP. He said the local administration was trying to negotiate with the protesters.

Parachinar, capital of Kurram Agency, a mainly Shia area in the tribal belt, had already suffered two deadly bomb blasts in its markets this year.

It was the site of the first major attack in Pakistan in 2017, when a bomb killed 24 people in January in an attack claimed by the banned Lashkar-i-Jhangvi al-Alami and a splinter group of the banned Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) led by Sheheryar Mehsud.

In March, a second attack in another market killed 22 people. The attack was claimed by the Jamaatul Ahrar.

Friday’s assault ─ also claimed by the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi al-Alami ─ brought the town’s loss of life due to terror attacks up to 115, more than any one city in Pakistan has suffered so far this year.

“We have been a constant target of the Taliban but the government has always failed us,” Muzamil Hussain, an activist from Parachinar told AFP Friday.

Authorities have said that after the first two attacks, checkposts and barriers were set up around the city’s markets.

“I don’t understand how can someone drive a bomb-laden vehicle through all the checkposts of the military and other paramilitary troops and reach here, it simply isn’t logical, and this is what we are protesting against,” he said.

The Parachinar blasts were the deadliest in a series of militant attacks across Pakistan Friday which killed at least 85 people, unnerving citizens ahead of Eid.

In Quetta at least 14 people including 10 policemen were killed in a blast targeting police that was claimed by both the militant Islamic State group and the Jamaatul Ahrar, and in Karachi four policemen were killed in a drive-by shooting as they opened their fast at a roadside restaurant.https://www.dawn.com/news/1341912/anger-grows-in-parachinar-after-three-attacks-in-six-months

June 27, 2017   No Comments